Thomas J. Dodd Prize
in International Justice and Human Rights

2003 Awards

	Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, T.D. Biography | Speech|		Right Honourable Tony Blair, M.P. Biography | Speech |

Taoiseach Bertie Ahern Biography
Bertie Ahern was born into a working-class family in Dublin in 1951. He attended St. Aidan's CBS secondary school, the Rathmines College of Commerce and University College-Dublin.

Ahern was elected to the Dáil (Parliament) in 1977 for the constituency of Dublin-Finglas and has represented Dublin Central since 1981. He served as a member of Dublin City Council 1978-88 and was Lord Mayor from 1986-1987. Returning to national government, he served as Minister for Labour, 1987-91, Minister for Finance, November 1991-94. Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht, November-December 1994 and Minister for Industry and Commerce, January 1993. He also served as Tánaiste (Deputy Prime Minister) from November-December 1994.

Ahern became head of Fianna Fáil (political party) in 1994 and was leader of the opposition until 1997, when he succeeded John Bruton as prime minister. Heading a Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrat coalition. Ahern helped to negotiate a cease-fire by the Irish Republican Army, and in 1998 he helped broker the Good Friday Peace Agreement in Northern Ireland. He was re-elected Taoiseach on 6 June 2002, following a general election which saw his party Fianna Fáil returned to power in coalition with the Progressive Democrats.

Remarks made by Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, T.D., Prime Minister of Ireland
Wednesday, 24 September 2003, at the University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT

"It is a very great honour for Tony Blair and myself to be awarded the Thomas J. Dodd Prize in International Justice and Human Rights and indeed to be the first recipients. I welcome Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott here representing the Prime Minister.

The Prize is named after Thomas Dodd who had a distinguished career at the bar, before serving for nearly 20 years as a Senator. As a lawyer, he took on organised crime, championed young people during the Great Depression, fought against the Ku Klux Klan in the 1930s, defended the right of trade unions to organise, and played a part in prosecuting German industrialists at the Nuremberg trials. He steered wide of Senator Joe McCarthy.

We are also grateful to his son Senator Chris Dodd, a valued friend of Ireland, for the contribution that he has made over many years to the promotion of peace in Ireland, working closely with Senator Ted Kennedy, and advising the Clinton White House during many crucial period in the peace process. The American contribution to peace in Ireland, which is still ongoing work in progress, has been important, substantial and greatly valued and appreciated.

Former Senator George Mitchell acted as Northern Ireland envoy and mediator, work now carried on under President Bush by Richard Haass. We deeply appreciate the political and moral support and attention we have received from this great democracy which has carried us over many difficulties.

One thing we have learned is that no matter what the difficulties we must keep on going and never give up hope.

Ending a long-running conflict is never simple or tidy. Getting a cease fire that held long enough to allow negotiations and political progress to be made was the first challenge that we faced. The next step was to assemble the parties around a table addressing the roots of conflict as well as the consequences of its cessation. Remedying the defects of earlier attempts at a political settlement was a necessary task that had to be addressed by parties that had felt deep hostility towards each other.

For fifty years, Northern Ireland, which is a deeply divided community, was run on the principles of majoritarian democracy. The founding fathers in the United States well understood the dangers to which a minority, permanently excluded from power, could be exposed in this situation. The civil rights movement in America was an important inspiration for Northern Nationalists, but reform met stiff political resistance. The resort to violence in reaction was incapable of solving the problem, but unfortunately it took twenty-five years before this was universally appreciated.

Many honourable and inspired political initiatives came to nought, but the main ideas survived and were incorporated into the Good Friday Agreement.

The successful negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement was one of the proudest moments of my political life. It is an Agreement that I fought hard to achieve. It is an Agreement that I am convinced will stand the test of time.

The great obstacle to peaceful compromise is fear and distrust, the sense that a community, if it is not careful, is in danger of losing everything. The Good Friday Agreement overwhelmingly ratified by the people of Ireland, North and South, is very well balanced in the way in which the needs of each community are addressed. It is also about creating the conditions in which fundamental political aims can be pursued by exclusively peaceful and democratic means and the culture of violence and repression abandoned on all sides.

The Agreement established power-sharing institutions as well as North-South and East-West bodies, reflecting the totality of relationships between Britain and Ireland. They have demonstrated that they are capable of working well to the satisfaction of nearly everyone, but they have been disrupted by outside factors.

Unfortunately, devolved government in Northern Ireland has been suspended for the past year. Since that time Tony Blair and I together with the party leaders involved have been working to re-establish the trust and confidence necessary to restore and sustain the institutions. Earlier this year, following intensive negotiations, we were almost there. However, we were not able to clear the final hurdles and achieve the required outcome.

We are again entering a crucial phase in the process. Over the next few short weeks we have a real opportunity to end the uncertainties. The republican movement must make it clear, in a way that convinces unionists, and all of us, that paramilitary activity, as previously set out by both Governments, is at an end for good. At the same time, Unionists must reassure nationalists that they are fully committed to all of the Good Friday institutions and that they will participate in a full and sustained way.

The people of Northern Ireland are entitled to working democratic institutions. It would be wrong to assume that all of the progress we have made over recent years, the peace - not a perfect peace, but a peace that has been sustained - the institutional reform, the economic and social progress, that all of this can continue in the absence of a stable political environment, and that decisions can be deferred indefinitely.

The hurts and divisions of the past run deep for many people and much work remains to be done. But the signs are hopeful. The most peaceful summer in decades provides a backdrop that can enable everyone to move ahead.

Elections are a key part of the way forward and Tony Blair and I and the leaders of the pro-Agreement parties are working to create the conditions for elections to take place that will allow the earliest possible restoration of the Institutions.

While we have had many rounds of discussion to clarify and enhance the working of the Agreement and to overcome difficulties in its implementation, there is no coherent or acceptable alternative to what is a comprehensive peace settlement.

The time has come for the parties to rise to the challenge, to provide the leadership, to stretch their constituencies and take the decisions they know must be taken. My Government will exert all the effort and influence we have to bring these efforts to a successful conclusion.

And we know that in doing so we have the support and encouragement of our great friends here in the United States, not only at the level of the Administration and Congress but throughout the entire Irish-American community.

I would like to pay the warmest tribute to the quite extraordinary commitment shown by the British Prime Minster Tony Blair consistently over the past six years, to work for peace in partnership with the Irish Government and with others.

We need the Agreement to work as a decisive break with the past, and everyone to show an equal and unequivocal commitment to a new and democratic order in Northern Ireland.

Again, I am deeply honoured to share this Prize. And in doing so I give a pledge that I will continue to apply all my political energies to advance the peace process and to bring about the complete transformation of life on our island."

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Right Honourable Tony Blair Biography

Tony Blair was born in Edinburgh in 1953, but spent most of his childhood in Durham. He attended Fettes College and studied law at Oxford University.

After standing unsuccessfully for the Labour Party in a by-election, Blair went on to win the seat of Sedgefield in the 1983 General Election, aged 30. He made a speedy rise through the ranks, being promoted first to the shadow Treasury front bench in 1984. He subsequently served as a trade and industry spokesman, before being elected to the Shadow Cabinet in 1988 where he was made Shadow Secretary of State for Energy. In 1989 he moved to the employment brief. After the 1992 election Labour's new leader, John Smith, promoted Blair to Shadow Home Secretary. It was in this post that Blair made famous his pledge that Labour would be tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime.

John Smith died suddenly and unexpectedly in 1994, and in the subsequent leadership contest Tony Blair won a large majority of his party's support. The Labour Party won the 1997 General Election by a landslide, after 18 years in Opposition. At the age of 43, Tony Blair became the youngest Prime Minister since Lord Liverpool in 1812. The government began to implement a far-reaching programme of constitutional change, putting the question of devolution to referendums in Scotland and Wales.

One of Prime Minister Blair's first acts of office was to make an extended trip to Northern Ireland to meet leaders representing a variety of political parties and express his support for bringing about a lasting peace. He also brought the Sinn Fein movement into the peace process significantly broadening participation and support. Prime Minister Blair played an active role in supporting the peace negotiations carried out by Senator George Mitchell and leaders of Northern Ireland that resulted in the Good Friday Peace Accord signed on April 10, 1998.

Tony Blair was re-elected with another landslide majority in the 2001 General Election.

He is married to the barrister Cherie Booth QC, and they have four children. Their youngest, Leo, was the first child born to a serving Prime Minister in over 150 years.

"Thank you Taoiseach, Senator Dodd, Senator Kennedy, Ambassador Dodd, President Austin, ladies and gentlemen. I am very honoured to be here today with the Taioseach and on behalf of my Prime Minister, Tony Blair, to pay tribute to their efforts to bring about peace in Northern Ireland.

I am also delighted to be here with my old friend Senator Chris Dodd and his brother Thomas. Chris has been a close friend of mine for more than 25 years. Indeed in 1978 Chris and I held a joint European Parliament and Congress hearing in Brussels on the abuse of human rights in Argentina in order to draw attention to this issue in the months before the 1978 Argentina soccer World Cup. Chris has always followed in the footsteps of his distinguished father with his concern for human rights. He is a man I admire and respect. He has the honour to be a Senator but we all know that the title he is most proud of is to be father of his beautiful daughter Grace.

President Austin, I became a Member of the British Parliament in August 1970. Since then 3,280 people have been killed and over 36,000 have been injured as a result of terrorist activity in Northern Ireland. It has been the constant background to my entire political life. Indeed Ireland has been the constant background to British politics for at least 400 years. Everywhere you look, our two countries are linked.

My Parliamentary constituency of Hull in Yorkshire was the first city to close its gates to King Charles I and declare itself for Oliver Cromwell and the Parliamentary forces during the English Civil War. In Hull we are proud of that. And we are proud of the fact that Oliver Cromwell brought about the English Revolution 125 years before your War of Independence here in the United States. I note that there is also a town here in this area that is named after Oliver Cromwell. But it goes to the heart of the problem that Cromwell can be a hero in England and an anti-hero in Ireland where he prosecuted such violent and bloody campaigns.

In Hull there is also a statue of William of Orange outside the King Billy Pub. As some of you will know, King Billy was the Protestant King William III who defeated the Roman Catholic James II at the Battle of the Boyne in Ireland in sixteen-ninety. That is how far back our history goes. It is written on every street in our two countries.

For ten years of my life I was a steward on the Cunard transatlantic liner Britannic which used to call to pick up Irish emigrants at Cobh on the south coast of Ireland. It is a mark of how deep the divisions were that the liner company was careful not to mix northern Protestants with southern Catholics at the same table. That's just a small example of how the divisions within Irish society affected so many aspects of everyday life.

In the old days Cobh was known as Queenstown - a name given by the British Protestants who colonized Ireland throughout the sixteenth century. Ever since there has been conflict and ever since we have been trying to solve the problem. It is tragic and horrific that 900 members of the police and army have been murdered in Northern Ireland since 1969. Over these years that has caused some people in Britain to call for us to pull out of Northern Ireland and leave the people to their fate.

It is a tribute to your Taoiseach and to my Prime Minister Tony Blair that despite all the difficulties and frustrations - despite the political cost of the inevitable knock-backs - you have devoted and continue to devote so much time and energy to finding a lasting peace for Northern Ireland. Everyone said it was impossible to bring about an end to the violence. But you and the Prime Minister got on with the job. We all owe you a debt of gratitude for that.

President Austin, it is a great honour for me to be here to receive this award on the part of the Prime Minister. I would like to take the opportunity to deliver the following message which Tony Blair has asked me to read out:

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Dear friends:

I am very sorry and disappointed that I can't be with you today. But I know that this distinguished audience, with its many years of experience of the pressures of Government, will understand the difficulty of being in two - if not more places - at the same time. But I would not want any of you to think - for a moment - that I am not greatly honoured and proud to be the first recipient of this award.

That pride is increased by the fact that I am sharing this honour with the Taoiseach. I know better than anyone just how much commitment, effort and time he has personally invested in helping the politicians and people of Northern Ireland move towards a better future. There have been long periods where I have seen more of Bertie than my closest Cabinet colleagues. Periods, in fact, where I have spent a great deal more time with him than I have with my wife.

I am delighted to say that our friendship has not just survived, but strengthened - as has my admiration for his dedication to bring peace to Northern Ireland. Without his personal commitment, his patience and tireless efforts, it simply would not have been possible to make the significant progress that we have seen in recent years.

But as Bertie would be the first to recognize, these real advances would not have been possible without the immense help we have received from so many people over here in the United States. From politicians like Senator Dodd, who along with people such as Senator Kennedy, have for decades been promoting reconciliation in Northern Ireland. They never despaired when it looked hopeless but merely stepped up their efforts to ensure the voices of all sections of the community were heard and understood in Washington.

And, of course, politicians like Senator Mitchell and President Clinton. George Mitchell played an absolutely vital role in Northern Ireland at a vital time. Anyone with experience of Northern Ireland knows there are very few people who are universally liked and respected. George is one of a very few exceptions to this near universal rule. Despite all his other responsibilities, it is a measure of the man and his commitment to Northern Ireland - and to peace - that he still visits regularly. We can't thank him enough.

Bill Clinton is also someone whose dedication to Northern Ireland can't be over-estimated. Bertie and I knew that we could turn to him, at any time of day or night, and ask him to lift the phone to persuade Northern Ireland's politicians to take that extra and difficult step towards peace. Time and time again, he did it willingly - using all his personality and intellect, showing repeatedly that he understood not just the big picture but also the complexities. His contribution will never be forgotten.

But there are many, many other people across this side of the Atlantic - US politicians, businessmen, and women - who have willingly given up their time and used their influence for good to help lay the foundations for a better future for Northern Ireland. It is impossible to name all of them, but I promise they are not forgotten.

What's driven all of us to make these efforts, of course, is the deep desire of the overwhelming majority of the people of Northern Ireland for a better life and peaceful future. They - and their elected representatives - have displayed enormous courage, patience and determination to turn this dream into reality. They deserve all our support.

I am not going to under-estimate the obstacles we still have to overcome in the peace process. But when the Taoiseach and I met three weekends ago at Chequers, we agreed that now is the time to go the final mile. Why? Because the logic of the Agreement demands it. Last year I said in a speech in Belfast that now was the time for what I called "acts of completion". The time for everyone to signal their willingness to implement the Agreement in full. That means the Government showing its willingness to make the changes in policing, equality and security demanded by the Agreement. It means unionists showing their commitment, not just to sharing power with nationalists, but to making the institutions secure and stable. But it also means the IRA recognizing that we could no longer carry on with it half in, and half out of the process.

That was my view last year - and it remains my view today. But last year I also said that I thought the people of Northern Ireland were ahead of the politicians in their desire to see the Agreement implemented in full. And this summer has borne out that belief.

For far too many years the summer has been a bad time in Northern Ireland. A season dominated by riots and confrontation. This year has been the quietest for a generation. That did not happen by accident. It was the result of a conscious effort on all sides. And that is partly why I believe that now is the time for all sides to take the final steps to make the Agreement complete - governments, unionists, nationalists, and republicans.

The outcome is by no means guaranteed. And, as always, we depend on the support and encouragement we receive from this side of the Atlantic. But I believe more passionately than ever, the Agreement offers the only viable way forward for the people of Northern Ireland and that it is our duty as elected politicians to make it work.

In thanking you again for the tremendous honour you have paid me and the Taoiseach through this award, I can promise that, on our part, there will be no let up in our efforts to do exactly that.

Signed: Tony Blair, Prime Minister

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President Austin, I am grateful to have had the opportunity to read out the Prime Minister's letter.

If I may, I would like to end with a personal memory of the Omagh bomb five years ago. It is the nature of the human condition that hope comes out of all terrible events. The Omagh bomb was the worst terrorist atrocity in Northern Ireland when 29 people were killed on 15 August 1998. That bomb reminded us all of the reason why we needed a political process to bring about a lasting peace. In spite of all the difficulties, we are still on course to achieve that. And I am personally convinced that the political conditions will soon be re-established to allow devolution to be re-introduced.

I visited Omagh on behalf of the Prime Minister the day after the bomb because he was abroad. On that day I visited some of the victims in the hospital. A small boy lay unconscious. His mother said that he was a fanatical supporter of the Liverpool football team but that he had never been to England. She asked me if I would say a few words to the boy. I told him that when he was better I would take him to see Liverpool play. At that very moment his eyes flickered open, he smiled, said "how did Liverpool do yesterday" and fell back into unconsciousness. In the months that followed he made a full recovery and I was delighted to take him to a Liverpool football match where he received a tremendous welcome from the team and the whole crowd. The hope I got from that little boy is a symbol of my hope for Northern Ireland.

Thanks to the work of many people Northern Ireland is off the critical list. It is a sign of hope for conflicts throughout the world. President Austin, we are here to honour that spirit and encourage that hope. We are here to pay homage to two men who have done so much to work for peace in Northern Ireland and who have played such an important role in bringing peace about - the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister."

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